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BJP & Federalism
Mansukh Kaur 

Akali Dal manifesto released by the epitome of decentralisation of power, Sukhbir Singh Badal, promised to work for decentralisation of power across India by pushing for real federalism. He hopes to get the NDA to take the country towards real federalism, but omits to mention that the BJP had always loved a two-party system and cares two hoots for regional parties.

By its very perception of politics in India, the BJP swears by the principle of Unitary State. True that it has been pushed to recognise at some stages movements for greater autonomy or statehood and now claims that “the BJP has always been in favour of formation of smaller States”. True that it claims credit for the creation of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand and backs the creation of Telangana as a separate State of the Union of India.

But lestthere be any doubt, the BJP is indulging in a bit of double speak. Its commitment to federalism is zilch, its reinvention of itself is proof of opportunistic readiness to make any compromise to win power. It is saying something else to get power and will do something completely opposite because its very founding is based on different principles.

The BJP is run in a very centralised way, controlled ideologically by the RSS and speaks of Akhand Bharat. True federalism has even space for sesessionist voices. Can BJP even think of the kind of voices that emanated from Texas recently?

 

It is now under pressure to make politically correct noises because of its stakes in the north east. It has been part of the ruling coalitions in Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya and Nagaland. Until Meghalaya was recently brought under President’s rule, the BJP was part of the ruling Meghalaya Progressive Alliance led by the Nationalist Congress Party. Contesting the Nagaland Assembly elections last year as part of the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland, it won seven seats and is presently part of the government, with one Cabinet Minister.

The BJP is also supporting the demand of the National Conference of Tripura, the latest of the quasi-separatist tribal based outfits in the State, for creation of a separate State comprising the Autonomous District Council areas which account for over two-thirds of the geographical area of the State.

The party’s choice of Kheroni in Karbi Anglong district as the venue of L.K. Advani’s first election rally was clearly intended to send a message that the BJP was sympathetic to the demand for the elevation of two autonomous districts of Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills as an autonomous State within Assam under the provisions of Article 244-A of the Constitution.

That Article was introduced to meet some special circumstances that existed when two other autonomous districts of Assam, Khasi and Jaintia Hills and Garo Hills, were separated and briefly constituted as an ‘autonomous State within Assam’ in 1970, before being elevated as the full-fledged State of Meghalaya less than two years later.

The BJP is a party that has always spoken of a strong and powerful Center, and works as a monolithic. It is run in a very centralised way, controlled ideologically by the RSS and speaks of Akhand Bharat. True federalism has even space for sesessionist voices. Can BJP even think of the kind of voices that emanated from Texas recently?

22 April 2009
 

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