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Economic recession and immigrants
WSN Network 

At a time of economic meltdown and recession, jobs are hard to come by. So each job aspirant who gets to know about another one having a job does not really appreciate the idea. If God forbid, the one having the job is a migrant, you have had it. It looks like "my job that he has got". No wonder, worldwide, there is a feeling among many native people that the migrants are now sitting on a job pile that is legitimately the natives'. Those who were being hailed for their contribution to countries' economies are being seen as villians.

Sikh Diaspora is no different. And since they are the ones who are easily idenitifiable as migrants, even when they are citizens of their new country, they are resented in a market where jobs are hard to come by.

No wonder, United States and many European countries are hardening their policies concerning immigrants and their employment. As currencies tumble, stock markets collapse and growth rates slow down, the champions of free trade and free markets are deploying protectionist strategies. From opposing the idea of inviting overseas nurses, including from India, to issuing a 30-day deadline for “benched” H-1B visa workers to return home, immigrants are at the receiving end a s easy targets. While designing immigration policies is fundamentally a matter for individual governments, they should be compatible with international human rights laws and standards. Politicians, public officials and the media should not heed public perceptions of immigrants to make scapegoats out of them in a time of economic recession, or consider them as solutions to the economic downturn, which is a global phenomenon. Such acts will further fuel discrimination, racism and xenophobia. This is also a time for governments to engage in multilateral, regional and bilateral processes to mainstream migration, which can provide for varying degrees of mobility and security to citizens of member-states.

Some 90 million workers live and work outside their country of origin. Nearly 200 million people out of a global population of 6.4 billion live outside the country in which they are born. Women now constitute almost half of the immigrant population.

If everyone wants to protect its natives at the cost of migrants, imagine the scale of the crisis!

 

People cross borders every day — sometimes as a result of bilateral agreements between states, or due to global and regional economic processes, and often in an uncontrolled and unregulated manner based on demand and supply. States do have a sovereign right to exercise authority over their borders, but such rights are not absolute. Sovereign power is not without limits. In a situation of global recession and economic meltdown, terminating jobs without notice; retaining employees’ visas and not renewing them on time, thus making them illegal immigrants; requiring them to leave within 30 days, and otherwise making them ‘out of status’ and ‘illegal’; proposing amendments to visa legislations, and so on are unlawful under international laws. A state cannot pick and choose people as and when it wishes, and throw away their rights at will. It must exercise its legitimate powers responsibly within the labour rights framework, and there should be no unilateral actions. Attempts to restore economic stability in a country by closing its borders to labour are bound to generate even more substantial income and employment losses in many countries.

In the past, the U.S. and other developed countries have encouraged selective migration, while officially discouraging certain types of migration. Many European governments that publicly state the absolute necessity to exclude irregular immigrants from their territory are prepared to tolerate the existence and even the growth of informal labour markets, which rely largely on irregular immigrants. Others encourage immigrants to work in industries which face labour shortages. Aging populations and dramatically reduced fertility rates in the developed world are also influencing governments in favour of migration, not least to maintain their pensions and social security systems, and to find a sufficient number of caregivers. On the other hand, Asian and African governments favour migration because of the economic value of remittances to themselves, as well as the social and economic benefits of an immigrant worker population to the receiving country. However, in these times of financial turmoil, many politicians including President Barack Obama, and other policy-makers, are heavily influenced by an understanding that a hard line they take on immigration will boost employment opportunities for their own people.

The world has evolved some migration management systems over time, and the U.S. and other countries should not resort to unjust unilateralism at the cost of bilateral, regional and international understandings that have been reached. In the European Union, full mobility is permitted to citizens of EU countries, including for purposes of employment.

At the international level, governments have sought a consensus on broad principles underlying an international regime of “migration management.” One recent example is the Berne Initiative, an inter-governmental consultative process aimed at “achieving a better management of migration at regional and global level through enhanced inter-state cooperation.”

Another example is the intergovernmental consultative process within the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The 92nd session of the International Labour Conference called on the ILO to carry out a plan of action on immigrant workers designed to ensure that immigrant workers are covered by the provisions of international labour standards and benefit from the applicable national labour and social laws. To bring this about, a non-binding Multilateral Framework on Labour Migration has been adopted by the governing body of the ILO. The IOM is an intergovernmental organisation which has taken a leading role in discussions on migration management in the international sphere, and plays an increasingly important role in the development of international migration policy. This is evident in its International Dialogue on Migration, meant to strengthen cooperative mechanisms among governments in such areas as migration and trade, labour, health and development. However, the IOM has no formal protection mandate or responsibility to supervise an international treaty to protect immigrants.

According to the ILO, an estimated 90 million workers live and work outside their country of origin. Nearly 200 million people out of a global population of 6.4 billion live outside the country in which they are born (World Migration 2005). Women now constitute almost half of the immigrant population. One can well imagine a situation in which countries are allowed to put in place protectionism as the core of the new regime of migration management, and the impact it would have on the well-being of the population of the world as a whole.

If a solution to the economic recession involving immigrants is to be effective, it must be credible not only to the states but to the immigrants themselves. To achieve this, states must respect immigrants. Politicians and parliamentarians of the U.S. and Europe have a choice today. They can either make decisions that ensure the security, dignity and continuity of immigrants, or their resolutions can leave immigrants vulnerable to dislocation, vulnerability and abuse. The first set of choices will bring the world together in addressing the problems of the present economic downturn and will lead to a collective coming out of the crisis; the second would make nations virtual fortresses and lead to the continuation of the crisis at large.

History, especially the experiences in the aftermath of the stock market crash in October 1929, reveals that protectionist strategies are likely to make matters worse. Solutions to today’s global economic downturn do not lie solely in financial policies. They require integrated economic, social and environmental strategies at different levels. The Great Depression of the 1900s prompted the establishment of world governance institutions. The 1997 crisis in Asian countries saw many of them introducing or extending social security schemes, including unemployment insurance, and doing away with International Monetary Fund loan conditionalities. The present crisis should also be seen as a catalyst to new ways of thinking and creative alternatives. 

18 March 2009
 

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