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Manmohan Singh takes on Advani in
full blast
The full text of the speech of
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, which he could not "deliver" and had
to be placed
on the floor of the house
Hon'ble Speaker and
Members of Parliament:
The Leader of Opposition, Shri L.K. Advani has chosen to use all
manner of abusive objectives to describe my performance. He has
described me as the weakest Prime Minister, a nikamma PM, and of
having devalued the office of PM. To fulfill his ambitions, he has
made at least three attempts to topple our government. But on each
occasion his astrologers have misled him. This pattern, I am sure,
will be repeated today. At his ripe old age, I do not expect Shri
Advani to change his thinking. But for his sake and India's sake, I
urge him at least to change his astrologers so that he gets more
accurate predictions of things to come.
As for Shri Advani's various charges, I do not wish to waste the
time of the House in rebutting them. All I can say is that before
leveling charges of incompetence on others, Shri Advani should do
some introspection. Can our nation forgive a Home Minister who slept
when the terrorists were knocking at the doors of our Parliament?
Can our nation forgive a person who single handedly provided the
inspiration for the destruction of the Babri Masjid with all the
terrible consequences that followed? To atone for his sins, he
suddenly decided to visit Pakistan and there he discovered new
virtues in Mr. Jinnah. Alas, his own party and his mentors in the
RSS disowned him on this issue. Can our nation approve the conduct
of a Home Minister who was sleeping while Gujarat was burning
leading to the loss of thousands of innocent lives? Our friends in
the Left Front should ponder over the company they are forced to
keep because of miscalculations by their General Secretary.
As for my conduct, it is for this august House and the people of
India to judge. All I can say is that in all these years that I have
been in office, whether as Finance Minister or Prime Minister, I
have felt it as a sacred obligation to use the levers of power as a
societal trust to be used for transforming our economy and polity,
so that we can get rid of poverty, ignorance and disease which still
afflict millions of our people. This is a long and arduous journey.
But every step taken in this direction can make a difference. And
that is what we have sought to do in the last four years. How far we
have succeeded is something I leave to the judgement of the people
of India.
When I look at the composition of the opportunistic group opposed to
us, it is clear to me that the clash today is between two
alternative visions of India's future. The one vision represented by
the UPA and our allies seeks to project India as a self confident
and united nation moving forward to gain its rightful place in the
comity of nations, making full use of the opportunities offered by a
globalised world, operating on the frontiers of modern science and
technology and using modern science and technology as important
instruments of national economic and social development. The
opposite vision is of a motley crowd opposed to us who have come
together to share the spoils of office to promote their sectional,
sectarian and parochial interests. Our Left colleagues should tell
us whether Shri L.K. Advani is acceptable to them as a Prime
Ministerial candidate. Shri L.K. Advani should enlighten us if he
will step aside as Prime Ministerial candidate of the opposition in
favour of the choice of UNPA. They should take the country into
confidence on this important issue.
I have already stated in my opening remarks that the House has been
dragged into this debate unnecessarily. I wish our attention had not
been diverted from some priority areas of national concern. These
priorities are:
(i) Tackling the imported inflation caused by steep increase in oil
prices. Our effort is to control inflation without hurting the rate
of growth and employment.
(ii) To revitalize agriculture. We have decisively reversed the
declining trend of investment and resource flow in agriculture. The
Finance Minister has dealt with the measures we have taken in this
regard. We have achieved a record foodgrain production of 231
million tones. But we need to redouble our efforts to improve
agricultural productivity.
(iii) To improve the effectiveness of our flagship pro poor
programmes such as National Rural Employment Programme, Sarva
Shiksha Abhiyan, Nation-wide Mid day meal programme, Bharat Nirman
to improve the quality of rural infrastructure of roads,
electricity, safe drinking water, sanitation, irrigation, National
Rural Health Mission and the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal
Mission. These programmes are yielding solid results. But a great
deal more needs to be done to improve the quality of implementation.
(iv) We have initiated a major thrust in expanding higher education.
The objective is to expand the gross enrolment ratio in higher
education from 11.6 per cent to 15 per cent by the end of the 11th
Plan and to 21% by the end of 12th Plan. To meet these goals, we
have an ambitious programme which seeks to create 30 new
universities, of which 14 will be world class, 8 new IITs, 7 new
IIMs, 20 new IIITs, 5 new IISERs, 2 Schools of planning and
Architecture, 10 NITs, 373 new degree colleges and 1000 new
polytechnics. And these are not just plans. Three new IISERs are
already operational and the remaining two will become operational
from the 2008-09 academic session. Two SPAs will be starting this
year. Six of the new IITs start their classes this year. The
establishment of the new universities is at an advanced stage of
planning.
(v) A nation wide Skill Development Programme and the enactment of
the Right to Education Act,
(vi) Approval by Parliament of the new Rehabilitation and
Resettlement policy and enactment of legislation to provide social
security benefits to workers in the unorganized sector.
(vii) The new 15 Point Programme for Minorities, the effective
implementation of empowerment programmes for the scheduled castes,
scheduled tribes, paying particular emphasis on implementation of
Land Rights for the tribals.
(viii) Equally important is the effective implementation of the
Right to Information Act to impart utmost transparency to processes
of governance. The Administrative Reforms Commission has made
valuable suggestions to streamline the functioning of our public
administration.
(ix) To deal firmly with terrorist elements, left wing extremism and
communal elements that are attempting to undermine the security and
stability of the country. We have been and will continue to
vigorously pursue investigations in the major terrorist incidents
that have taken place. Charge-sheets have been filed in almost all
the cases. Our intelligence agencies and security forces are doing
an excellent job in very difficult circumstances. They need our full
support. We will take all possible steps to streamline their
functioning and strengthen their effectiveness.
Considerable work has been done in all these areas but debates like
the one we are having detract our attention from attending to these
essential programmes and remaining items on our agenda. All the
same, we will redouble our efforts to attend to these areas of
priority concerns.
I say in all sincerity that this session and debate was unnecessary
because I have said on several occasions that our nuclear agreement
after being endorsed by the IAEA and the Nuclear Suppliers Group
would be submitted to this august House for expressing its view. All
I had asked our Left colleagues was : please allow us to go through
the negotiating process and I will come to Parliament before
operationalising the nuclear agreement. This simple courtesy which
is essential for orderly functioning of any Government worth the
name, particularly with regard to the conduct of foreign policy,
they were not willing to grant me. They wanted a veto over every
single step of negotiations which is not acceptable. They wanted me
to behave as their bonded slave. The nuclear agreement may not have
been mentioned in the Common Minimum Programme. However, there was
an explicit mention of the need to develop closer relations with the
USA but without sacrificing our independent foreign policy. The
Congress Election Manifesto had explicitly referred to the need for
strategic engagement with the USA and other great powers such as
Russia.
In 1991, while presenting the Budget for 1991-92, as Finance
Minister, I had stated: No power on earth can stop an idea whose
time has come. I had then suggested to this august House that the
emergence of India as a major global power was an idea whose time
had come.
Carrying forward the process started by Shri Rajiv Gandhi of
preparing India for the 21st century, I outlined a far reaching
programme of economic reform whose fruits are now visible to every
objective person. Both the Left and the BJP had then opposed the
reform. Both had said we had mortgaged the economy to America and
that we would bring back the East India Company. Subsequently both
these parties have had a hand at running the Government. None of
these parties have reversed the direction of economic policy laid
down by the Congress Party in 1991. The moral of the story is that
political parties should be judged not by what they say while in
opposition but by what they do when entrusted with the
responsibilities of power.
I am convinced that despite their opportunistic opposition to the
nuclear agreement, history will compliment the UPA Government for
having taken another giant step forward to lead India to become a
major power centre of the evolving global economy. Jawaharlal
Nehru's vision of using atomic energy as a major instrument of
development will become a living reality.
What is the nuclear agreement about? It is all about widening our
development options, promoting energy security in a manner which
will not hurt our precious environment and which will not contribute
to pollution and global warming.
India needs to grow at the rate of at least ten per cent per annum
to get rid of chronic poverty, ignorance and disease which still
afflict millions of our people. A basic requirement for achieving
this order of growth is the availability of energy, particularly
electricity. We need increasing quantities of electricity to support
our agriculture, industry and to give comfort to our householders.
The generation of electricity has to grow at an annual rate of 8 to
10 per cent.
Now, hydro-carbons are one source of generating power and for
meeting our energy requirements. But our production of hydro-carbons
both of oil and gas is far short of our growing requirements. We are
heavily dependent on imports. We all know the uncertainty of
supplies and of prices of imported hydro-carbons.
We have to diversify our sources of energy supply.
We have large reserves of coal but even these are inadequate to meet
all our needs by 2050. But more use of coal will have an adverse
impact on pollution and climate. We can develop hydro-power and we
must. But many of these projects hurt the environment and displace
large number of people. We must develop renewable sources of energy
particularly solar energy. But we must also make full use of atomic
energy which is a clean environment friendly source of energy. All
over the world, there is growing realization of the importance of
atomic energy to meet the challenge of energy security and climate
change.
India's atomic scientists and technologists are world class. They
have developed nuclear energy capacities despite heavy odds. But
there are handicaps which have adversely affected our atomic energy
programme. First of all, we have inadequate production of uranium.
Second, the quality of our uranium resources is not comparable to
those of other producers. Third, after the Pokharan nuclear test of
1974 and 1998 the outside world has imposed embargo on trade with
India in nuclear materials, nuclear equipment and nuclear
technology. As a result, our nuclear energy programme has suffered.
Some twenty years ago, the Atomic Energy Commission had laid down a
target of 10000 MW of electricity generation by the end of the
twentieth century. Today, in 2008 our capacity is about 4000 MW and
due to shortage of uranium many of these plants are operating at
much below their capacity.
The nuclear agreement that we wish to negotiate will end India's
nuclear isolation, nuclear apartheid and enable us to take advantage
of international trade in nuclear materials, technologies and
equipment. It will open up new opportunities for trade in dual use
high technologies opening up new pathways to accelerate
industrialization of our country. Given the excellent quality of our
nuclear scientists and technologists, I have reasons to believe that
in a reasonably short period of time, India would emerge as an
important exporter of nuclear technologies, and equipment for
civilian purposes.
When I say this I am reminded of the visionary leadership of Shri
Rajiv Gandhi who was a strong champion of computerization and use of
information technologies for nation building. At that time, many
people laughed at this idea. Today, information technology and
software is a sun-rise industry with an annual turnover soon
approaching 50 billion US dollars. I venture to think that our
atomic energy industry will play a similar role in the
transformation of India's economy.
The essence of the matter is that the agreements that we negotiate
with USA, Russia, France and other nuclear countries will enable us
to enter into international trade for civilian use without any
interference with our strategic nuclear programme. The strategic
programme will continue to be developed at an autonomous pace
determined solely by our own security perceptions. We have not and
we will not accept any outside interference or monitoring or
supervision of our strategic programme. Our strategic autonomy will
never be compromised. We are willing to look at possible amendments
to our Atomic Energy Act to reinforce our solemn commitment that our
strategic autonomy will never be compromised.
I confirm that there is nothing in these agreements which prevents
us from further nuclear tests if warranted by our national security
concerns. All that we are committed to is a voluntary moratorium on
further testing. Thus the nuclear agreements will not in any way
affect our strategic autonomy. The cooperation that the
international community is now willing to extend to us for trade in
nuclear materials, technologies and equipment for civilian use will
be available to us without signing the NPT or the CTBT.
This I believe is a measure of the respect that the world at large
has for India, its people and their capabilities and our prospects
to emerge as a major engine of growth for the world economy. I have
often said that today there are no international constraints on
India's development. The world marvels at our ability to seek our
social and economic salvation in the framework of a functioning
democracy committed to the rule of law and respect for fundamental
human freedoms. The world wants India to succeed. The obstacles we
face are at home, particularly in our processes of domestic
governance.
I wish to remind the House that in 1998 when the Pokharan II tests
were undertaken, the Group of Eight leading developed countries had
passed a harsh resolution condemning India and called upon India to
sign the NPT and CTBT. Today, at the Hokkaido meeting of the G-8
held recently in Japan, the Chairman's summary has welcomed
cooperation in civilian nuclear energy between India and the
international community. This is a measure of the sea change in the
perceptions of the international community our trading with India
for civilian nuclear energy purposes that has come about in less
than ten years.
Our critics falsely accuse us, that in signing these agreements, we
have surrendered the independence of foreign policy and made it
subservient to US interests. In this context, I wish to point out
that the cooperation in civil nuclear matters that we seek is not
confined to the USA. Change in the NSG guidelines would be a
passport to trade with 45 members of the Nuclear Supplier Group
which includes Russia, France, and many other countries.
We appreciate the fact that the US has taken the lead in promoting
cooperation with India for nuclear energy for civilian use. Without
US initiative, India's case for approval by the IAEA or the Nuclear
Suppliers Group would not have moved forward.
But this does not mean that there is any explicit or implicit
constraint on India to pursue an independent foreign policy
determined by our own perceptions of our enlightened national
interest. Some people are spreading the rumours that there are some
secret or hidden agreements over and above the documents made
public. I wish to state categorically that there are no secret or
hidden documents other than the 123 agreement, the Separation Plan
and the draft of the safeguard agreement with the IAEA. It has also
been alleged that the Hyde Act will affect India's ability to pursue
an independent foreign policy. The Hyde Act does exist and it
provides the US administration the authorization to enter into civil
nuclear cooperation with India without insistence on full scope
safeguards and without signing of the NPT. There are some
prescriptive clauses but they cannot and they will not be allowed to
affect in any way the conduct of our foreign policy. Our commitment
is to what has been agreed in the 123 Agreement. There is nothing in
this Agreement which will affect our strategic autonomy or our
ability to pursue an independent foreign policy. I state
categorically that our foreign policy, will at all times be
determined by our own assessment of our national interest. This has
been true in the past and will be true in future regarding our
relations with big powers as well as with our neighbours in West
Asia, notably Iran, Iraq, Palestine and the Gulf countries.
We have differed with the USA on their intervention in Iraq. I had
explicitly stated at a press conference at the National Press Club
in Washington DC in July 2005 that intervention in Iraq was a big
mistake. With regard to Iran, our advice has been in favour of
moderation and we would like that the issues relating to Iran's
nuclear programme which have emerged should be resolved through
dialogue and discussions in the framework of the International
Atomic Energy Agency.
I should also inform the House that our relations with the Arab
world are very good. Two years ago, His Majesty, King Abdullah of
Saudi Arabia was the Chief Guest at our Republic Day. More recently,
we have played host to the President of Iran, President of Syria,
the King of Jordan, the Emir of Qatar and the Emir of Kuwait. With
all these countries we have historic civilisational and cultural
links which we are keen to further develop to our mutual benefit.
Today, we have strategic relationship with all major powers
including USA, Russia, France, UK, Germany, Japan, China, Brazil,
Nigeria and South Africa. We are Forging new partnerships with
countries of East Asia, South East Asia and Africa.
Conclusion
The Management and governance of the world's largest, most diverse
and most vibrant democracy is the greatest challenge any person can
be entrusted with, in this world. It has been my good fortune that I
was entrusted with this challenge over four years ago. I thank with
all sincerity the Chairperson of the UPA, the leaders of the
Constituent Parties of the UPA and every member of my Party for the
faith and trust they reposed in me. I once again recall with
gratitude the guidance and support I have received from Shri Jyoti
Basu and Sardar Harkishen Singh Surjeet.
I have often said that I am a politician by accident. I have held
many diverse responsibilities. I have been a teacher, I have been an
official of the Government of India, I have been a member of this
greatest of Parliaments, but I have never forgotten my life as a
young boy in a distant village.
Every day that I have been Prime Minister of India I have tried to
remember that the first ten years of my life were spent in a village
with no drinking water supply, no electricity, no hospital, no roads
and nothing that we today associate with modern living. I had to
walk miles to school, I had to study in the dim light of a kerosene
oil lamp. This nation gave me the opportunity to ensure that such
would not be the life of our children in the foreseeable future.
Sir, my conscience is clear that on every day that I have occupied
this high office, I have tried to fulfill the dream of that young
boy from that distant village.
The greatness of democracy is that we are all birds of passage! We
are here today, gone tomorrow! But in the brief time that the people
of India entrust us with this responsibility, it is our duty to be
honest and sincere in the discharge of these responsibilities. As it
is said in our sacred texts, we are responsible for our actions and
we must act without coveting the rewards of such action. Whatever I
have done in this high office I have done so with a clear conscience
and the best interests of my country and our people at heart. I have
no other claims to make.
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