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1984 –Who, What, How and Why
Jagmohan Singh
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Activist-writer Ajmer Singh answers many questions agitating the
Sikhs and raises several more for Sikhs and others to answer in
his third book of what is transforming into an anthology of
contemporary history of Punjab. The latest book, 1984-Unimagined
Catastrophe, in Punjabi and soon to be translated into English,
explores the genesis of the Indo-Sikh conflict and offers a deep
insight into the Hindu mind and the Sikh response during the turbulent
times of the eighties and nineties of the last century.
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 Why
did 1984 happen? What is the genesis of the Indo-Sikh conflict? How
is the Indian state a protector and promoter of Hindu nationalism?
What is the ethnic character of the Indian state? Is the Indian
establishment neutral? What is the status of Darbar Sahib, also
known as
Golden
Temple
in the minds of the average Sikh? What is the theo-political status
of Darbar Sahib? Why Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale chose Darbar
Sahib Complex as the fighting ground? Or did he chose? Why are Sikhs
today unwilling to accept the martyrdom of martyrs of 1984 with the
same spirit as they accept the martyrdom of Baba Deep Singh and his
compatriots?
In his new book,
1984-Unchitvaya Kehar, the political theorist and activist in
the persona of Ajmer Singh analyses the entire gamut of Sikh-Hindu
relations, pre and post 1984 and offers an insight into the
labyrinthine lanes of contemporary political history of Punjab.
Ajmer Singh has
recently donned the mantle of an author, though he did contribute
extensively through monographs and newspaper articles in the domain
of social equality and human rights. Without mincing words, without
being apologetic and without letting the argument go off-tangent,
Ajmer Singh offers in this 12 chapter book, in-depth analysis,
evidence and exposition of the eternal conflict that confronts the
Sikh nation, which despite losing thousands of its children to the
pyre of revolution is still struggling to come to terms with the
nuances of the struggle and seems undecided about the resolution of
the political conflict and the destiny of its peoples.
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Why did 1984 happen? What is the genesis of the Indo-Sikh
conflict? How is the Indian state a protector and promoter of
Hindu nationalism? What is the ethnic character of the Indian
state? Is the Indian establishment neutral? What is the status
of Darbar Sahib, also known as Golden Temple in the minds of the
average Sikh? What is the theo-political status of Darbar Sahib?
Why Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale chose Darbar Sahib Complex
as the fighting ground? Or did he chose? Why are Sikhs today
unwilling to accept the martyrdom of martyrs of 1984 with the
same spirit as they accept the martyrdom of Baba Deep Singh and
his compatriots? |
The
432 page book, well-produced by the Amritsar-based publishers Singh
Brothers, with an attractive and relevant title is essentially 1984
–past, present and future. Likely to upset many and enrage others,
the book does plain speaking about the role of the government of
India, the Akali leaders and those Sikhs who were entrenched in high
positions in the government, but who not only failed to understand
the pain of the Sikh people, but in fact collided and conspired with
the perpetrators who were fully prepared, armed and clear about
“teaching Sikhs a lesson” –not in the commonly perceived sense of
temporary political retribution for an adverse political act or set
of acts, but to browbeat and subjugate them so that they do not
raise the “ugly head” of “unique identity”, opposition, revolt and
rebellion.
According to the
author the rationale for the book lies in the words of scholar
Howard Zinn, who says that, “When you take interest in the past, it
ceases to remain the past and becomes the present, therefore to
understand the present, go centuries behind or in the future, do not
bother as it is required to uncover the dimensions of the whole
problem in question….” This is precisely what Ajmer Singh has done.
He has traveled deep into history, tracing the unique status of
Darbar Sahib and the tradition of martyrdom amongst the Sikhs.
In the early
chapters, Ajmer Singh comprehensively dwells on why Darbar Sahib
fascinates every Sikh –believer, agnostic and the undecided. He
uncovers layer after layer of Sikh history of the medieval times
which though was a period of repression for the Sikhs, but is fondly
recalled as the Golden period of Sikh history. He offers example
after example as to how Sikhs at the time of Diwali and Baisakhi,
unmindful of death that stalked them at every step, reached the
sacred holy tank surrounding the sanctum sanctorum of Darbar Sahib,
rejuvenating their commitment to Sikhism and if need be, to attain
martyrdom to defend their faith.
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In his characteristic pithy, visionary, logical and direct
approach, Ajmer Singh has raised the bar of political debate on
what is commonly construed as the Punjab problem, enabling the
readers and activists to be critically aware than to take things
for granted. |
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In his
characteristic pithy, visionary, logical and direct approach, Ajmer
Singh has raised the bar of political debate on what is commonly
construed as the Punjab problem, enabling the readers and activists
to be critically aware than to take things for granted. Whether it
is dealing with the character of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale or
the role of BJP leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the author does nor resort to
compartmentalising his thoughts in a particular mould and idiom. His
stance throughout the book is uncompromising.
Apart from a few
English historians, not many have had the courage to mention that it
was only the Sikhs who did not relent anytime in history when their
holiest of holies -Darbar Sahib was attacked. Ajmer Singh
categorically mentions in the book that it is the unique theo-political
status of Darbar Sahib, which the Hindu mind has failed to
comprehensively comprehend which lies at the root of the problem. He
further goes on to say that perhaps the Hindu cannot decipher the
problem, and that “you have to be born Sikh to understand the Sikh
psyche in so far as it relates to Darbar Sahib” It is failure to
understand this and its entire ramifications which led Mrs. Indira
Gandhi to storm the Golden Temple with the might of the Indian army,
navy and air force says the author.
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Ajmer Singh
making a point with
Jagmohan Singh as celebrated author
Cynthia Mahmood looks on |
Another question
which has baffled the Hindu mind and the Western scholar alike is
the Sikh tradition of martyrdom. To simplify, Ajmer Singh says that
“a Sikh is not necessarily always ready to die under all
circumstances and at the call of anyone and everyone.” However, when
any issue, problem or incident or event relates with the Gurus, Guru
Granth Sahib, Gurbani, history of the Gurus, then there is no
looking back for the Sikh. In view of his unique relationship with
the Guru, a Sikh is ready to sacrifice self and family at the altar
of faith. This explains the swelling of numbers when Sant Jarnail
Singh Bhindranwale exhorted the Sikh youth to uphold the banner of
religion without fear. This is why hundreds chose to die with him in
the Darbar Sahib complex and thousands continued to die
post-Operation Bluestar, unmindful of the strength and reach of the
Indian state. Anyone trying to seek only a worldly explanation in
terms of unemployment, political strife and pecuniary gains is more
than likely to miss the point. The author quotes civil liberties
activist, Harji Malik who said that “the Hindu has not been able to
understand what the genesis of the conflict is.”
Was
the code-named Operation Bluestar a war of revenge by Indira Gandhi
on the basis of anger against Sikhs for their role in the
emergency? In a micro sense it was personal but in the perspective
of the situation, it was a sum-total of systemic crisis of the
Indian state, the crisis of the Indian state and the crises of
Indira’s legitimacy and political leadership…..it was the perception
of the rulers of the time that the attack on Darbar Sahib is part of
the mission to create a monolithic Indian state.
After 1947, the
target was the building of a single Indian nation, where on the face
of it, there is diversity but in actuality it was a continuing trend
of assimilation. The activities of the political party Shiromani
Akali Dal and the religious propagation of Sant Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale resulting in the revivalism of the Khalsa spirit was
construed as a threat to the above stated mission and the events of
1984 were launched only and precisely to rebut this challenge.
 Enumerating
event after event of the period which has been described as “loaded
with history”, Ajmer Singh says that all spheres of Indian society
-the media, all political parties without exception, the man on the
streets of cities, the people in the hinterlands of India and all
components of the state…judiciary, armed forces, bureaucracy rallied
behind the Indian state with full force and in unison. To continue
to get support of all sections, the bogey of “a foreign hand” was
extensively used. This aspect has been extensively dealt in the book
with examples, facts and citations.
How did the
judiciary collude? There are many examples, but let us take just one
of them. Salwa Judum, the vigilante of the Chattisgarh government
has been declared illegal by the respective High Court but in the
case of Punjab, even though then police chief KPS Gill had openly
declared that they had vigilante groups to act extrajudicially, the
judiciary was a mute spectator…..silently allowing things to happen
and even delivering a suspended sentence to the police chief who was
convicted of moral turpitude.
In the middle of
the book, the author questions the competency of the Akali
leadership and the sincerity of the Sikh intelligentsia to meet the
onslaught of the state. While the nincompoop attitude of Akali
leadership has been stressed in great detail, the author is
particularly disturbed by the silence, lack of interest and abject
failure of the so called Sikh intelligentsia and intellectuals to
comprehend the dimensions of the problem and offer solace and
solutions. He attributes the lack of clarity, confusion and
negativity of the Sikh response to this lacuna and rues the fact
that the apathy still continues.
Unforgivingly,
the author, who throughout his years of political activism was able
to understand the nature of this section of Punjab society from
close quarters, provides a thorough analysis of why the Sikh
intelligentsia failed, what were their priorities and how they
continued to be swayed with the wind of Indian nationalism
overriding peoples’ basic and fundamental rights and distinct
religious identity. So, according to the author, it was
understandable that under such circumstances, the Sikh response was
spontaneous, emotional, purely confrontationist and at times,
directionless.
The catastrophic
times continued for the Sikhs till November 1984 and beyond. Ajmer
Singh says that November 1984 was not the culmination of events
started in June 1984; it was part of a continuum. He says in the
book, “This has been studied in relationship to the holocaust of the
Jews …this incident was not an aberration….it is the tendency of the
Hindu to dwarf, undermine and dilute the distinct identity of the
Sikhs, so when you assert that, he reacts.” Vis-à-vis the Sikhs,
his goal is assimilation and he reacts violently….it started from
the rejection of janeu by Guru Nanak at the age of 9….the
Hindu’s objective is assimilation, so we need to understand the
Hindu mind….his strategies….we have to neutralise his methods of
persuasion, pressure and persecution.
November 1984
should be viewed in this perspective…it was not an aberration, but a
premeditated plan, executed with finesse, with full support and
coordination of all sections of Hindu society.
The book also
deals with how the December 1984 elections were unprecedented ….how
the entire electoral campaign was focused on the Sikhs, even in
areas where Sikhs were in insignificant numbers and how the verdict
was an endorsement of the pogrom against the Sikhs in Delhi and
eighty other places which had happened barely four weeks ago.
The volume
concludes with the Hola Mohalla in March 1985 at Anandpur Sahib
where a sea of humanity from all parts of Punjab descended in an
unprecedented manner to raise the banner of defiance against the
Indian state. Kesri turbans and dupattas dotted every inch of the
White city of Anandpur Sahib upholding the true spirit of the Khalsa
to fight back in the event of an onslaught.
The author has
acclaimed the role played by Ragis and Dhadis of the Sikhs, who in
this period of acute and extreme crisis and fear, virtually took to
the streets and bolstered the morale of the community through
references to Gurbani and Sikh history. Their contribution,
according to the author has not been adequately acknowledged.
Summing up all
aspects of the catastrophe that struck the Sikhs, Ajmer Singh says
that “whatever happened was unbelievable, unimaginable,
unforgettable and unforgivable.”
The author is
editor of World Sikh News. He may be contacted at jsbigideas@gmail.com
15
July 2009
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