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Kis Bidh Ruli PatShahi: A Review
Raghbir Singh Dhillon reviews the second book in
Ajmer
Singh's ongoing work on contemporary Sikh history
Raghbir Singh Dhillon
 This is the
second of the trilogy, fourth edition of the first having appeared
on the bookstalls last year. Third book is under preparation and may
soon be in the hands of the readers. The first book, as its title
indicates, relates to the 100 years of slavery of the Sikhs from
1849 to 1947 under British rule. I would like the readers to keep
one thing in mind that these two books are not the whole story of
the title of the second book.
The author would
be doing a great service to the Panth if in a fourth book of the
series he takes up the happenings of the period starting with Banda
Singh Bahadur’s departure from Deccan to Punjab till 1849 with
special references to the establishment of Sarkare Khalsa on 27th
May, 1710, its constitution, administrative set up, role of sections
opposing that set up, his execution, the rise of small groups later
turning into misals culminating in Maharaja Ranjit Singh
establishing his Raj because these events form a very crucial part
of the story of ‘How the Patshahi of Sikh Concept,’ said to be
actually founded by Banda Singh Bahadur was attempted to be
finished and what efforts were made to obliterate it from the Sikh
memory by the forces at work at that time.
The author in
the one under review describes how the Sikh leaders and other
intellectuals including Marxists got exploited by the clever moves
of the managers of Indian Independence Movement who preached Indian
Nationalism on the model of its concept in the Western and Latin
America countries at the of end of colonial period hastened by the
defeat of fascist forces in the Second World War. While doing so
they put aside the urge for Independence of their own nation which
had grown in them over the years as a result of Sikh teachings and
further kept alive through well worded Ardas (religious prayer)
which apart from the prologue of Sikh theme, describes the
historical period of their unparalleled martyrdoms for Sikh cause
and reminds them of their aspirations for spiritual and political
ascendancy.
The author has
very successfully brought out by examples the character of moneyed
classes who pay only lip service to the religion and in practice
throw to winds all the norms necessary for the growth of a vibrant,
soulful and respectable nation. Some Sikhs may frown at the author’s
citation of the case of founder of Patiala State, Baba Ala, who
presented himself as Chaudhary to Mughals and as Singh to Sikh
powers in his communications with them. While doing so he was not
displaying the character of a true Sikh who becomes ‘Nirbhau and
Nirveir even while using his political sagacity. He may have done
some service to the Sikh institutions, not entirely out of love for
Sikhism but to camouflage his other anti-gurmit activities to escape
the wrath of Sikhs.
The lure of
enviable high positions enjoyed by Sikhs in the British regime in
civil and military ranks because of their earlier positions under
their own rule or because of valour shown in the Anglo-Sikh Wars due
to their religious dedication, led them to walk into the trap of
nationalism of Hindu majority community at the time of Partition.
Although their leaders refused to endorse the Constitution of
Republic of India for its failure to safeguard the Sikh interests,
they forgot it in view of the greed of sharing benefits accruing
from independence although discriminated in various hidden and
visible ways.
Sikhs lost their
empire to British which they had carved out in Punjab, the land of
their Gurus where everybody had full freedom to observe his faith
and live dignified life after a long struggle against the entrenched
forces of Muslim Shariat autocracy and aggressive Hindu chauvinism.
There was no interference in their faith in that colonial regime.
Rather they were encouraged to observe it with full devotion to Guru
Granth Sahib and in the maintenance of their physical appearance so
long as this devotion did not pose any danger to their suzerainty.
To a great extent they were safe from the Muslim and Hindu dominance
in the matter of their religious, social and political rights.
But in the
period starting 1947 they started facing not only increasing
interference in their religious affairs, their rights of a free
citizen also got overshadowed by the ruthless majority who was
looking forward to wreak vengeance on them since their caste-based
hegemony was challenged by the Sikh Gurus advocating casteless
society of equality, fraternity and freedom of religion with malice
towards none.
The elite Sikhs
who enjoyed a sort of feudal life in pre-Partition days were content
if more or less similar kind of life they could lead even as second
rate citizens in their own country. In their lust for money and
other privileges usually available to slaves, they threw to winds
the Sikh maxim ‘all comforts are useless if dignified living is not
available’. Because of this degradation they faced unprecedented
humiliation at the time of Asian Games in 1982.
The author has
extensively quoted statements of many Sikh intellectuals as well as
British and Hindu writers in support of his claims about the
political ignorance and diluted faithfulness for Sikh Faith of Sikh
leaders. Whenever they, ignoring the requirements and aspirations of
the Sikhs as nation, made statements favouring the concept of State
and Nationalism of majority Hindu community, they were not only
praised but also supported to the hilt by Hindus so as to sabotage
the Sikh aspirations of a nation and agenda of casteless society. He
refers to Arun Shourie who in 1982 wrote many provocative articles
against Sikhs. Further he mentions an Urdu Daily from Delhi whose
editor Jai Parkash objecting to daily recitation in Gurdwaras of
‘Raj Karege Khalsa’ vomited his venom as under in its issue dated
7-12-1985:
“Ordinarily the
enemies of country are blown off by guns; their heads are cut off;
their very existence is annihilated; …..but we in
India
continue to hear for many years this rubbish talk of ‘Raj Karega
Khalsa’. What to speak of cutting their heads, we have not been able
to cut their tongues even to completely incapacitate them from
making such foolish announcements”.
He quotes
Harinder Singh Mehboob from his ‘Sehje Racheo Khalsa’ page 691 as
follows:
“ Hindus first
pointed out the similarities between Hindu cults and names mentioned
in Gurbani with the Sikh Thought; then they planted them in the Sikh
psyche and ultimately made the Sikh Consciousness slave of their
outer appearances….This affected the thinking of hundreds of English
knowing Sikh intellectuals of 20th century including S.
Kapur Singh ICS who tried to explain the nuances of spiritual
lessons of Gurbani in the light of outer appearance of Hindu cults
and names.”
In this regard
he quotes Kapur Singh from his ‘Parasaraprasna’ p.254 as writing,
“The Constitution introduced in 1950 is based on the Sikh
postulates.”
In the last
chapter of this book the author refers to Sant Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwala as the first Sikh leader who realizing the miserable
position of Sikhs under the second era of their slavery in their own
land of Gurus declared, “We are slaves in India; we have to remove
it to live”. He supports the Sant by quoting King Martin Luther
Junior as saying, “Slavery disfigures the soul and ruins the
personality.” In the words of Harinder Singh Mehboob “The blood of
self-respect has dried in the veins of political leaders of Sikhs”.
As about failure
of the Sant to accomplish this colossal task the author sums up by
writing that the time at his disposal was too short-from 1982 to
only June 1984 and according to Law of Gravity a leader, howsoever,
capable he may be can change the society to a certain extent only
but not completely for which continued and sustained efforts for
years are required (as was in the case of Sikh Gurus who took more
than 200 years). He believes that in future whenever the Sikhs will
face extremely grim situation, springs of love would automatically
gush out from their hearts for their marvelous general (Jarnail) and
the entire Sikh nation would loudly cry ‘Bhindranwala’.
Raghbir Singh Dhillon can be reached
at
raghbirsinghdhillon@yahoo.com.
13 August, 2008
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